Images Of Poliomyelitis
The Salk Vaccine
The success of the polio vaccines, like poliovirus causation, is "proved" through interpretations of animal laboratory experiments, and are thus subject to the same criticism as the animal experiments for virus causation, i.e., animal experiments are extremely harsh and thus are unrelated to the human polio disease condition.
Vaccination success in humans has also been "proved" through statistics (epidemiology) gathered from hospitals which show polio incidence declining as vaccination programs are implemented.
"Polio and the Salk Vaccine" is one of the most highly promoted medical images, a typical example:
...the epidemics grew steadily worse each year, with the number of new cases climbing from 5,000 in 1933 to 59,000 in 1952. Salvation came in 1954 with the Salk vaccine...
"A Paralyzing Fear: The Story of Polio in America"
The New York Times, March 4, 1999 (Film Review)
The story of the Salk Polio Vaccine is highly touted by teachers, medical representatives, and in popular, educational, and news/medical media.
Salk Vaccine Timeline, U.S.
1952, Jonas Salk discovered his vaccine, though the technology was not new, being based on vaccines utilized at least by the early 1930s.
March 26, 1953, the Salk vaccine announced, after evaluation of 600 vaccinated persons. (Jane Smith, Patenting The Sun)
1954, during the large field trial, 423,000 second-grade children were vaccinated (T. Francis, from Nathanson, Field's Virology). At the height of the great polio epidemic, children of age 6-9 had become a primary susceptible group and this is said to be the reason that second grade children were chosen. The high susceptibility of infants below age 5 to toxic chemicals (formaldehyde and merthiolate were used in the Salk vaccine) in addition to the harsh method of receiving virus particles by injection, could have been another reason to chose age 7, for age 7 is at the end of the range of infant nerve system vulnerability due to a rapidly growth and myelination.
Nearing the height of the epidemic, the susceptibles range extended from pre-school children to include the age 6-9 and beyond. This is clearly a function of the extreme nature of the epidemic (in terms of the toxic theory). This extension occurred before the height and after the height. Regardless, infants below the age of 5 always were a primary susceptible group.
The primary susceptible group of pre-school children (infants) was not targeted for vaccination against infantile paralysis in 1954 or 1955.
Beddow, p8, writes that within two hours of release of the Francis Report on April 12, 1955, the vaccine was licensed. JAMA, vol 158, no 14, p1249 reports April 12, 1955. However, A Paralyzing Fear, Seavey, 1977, states that the Salk vaccine was licensed by HEW in March, 1955. Seavey is apparently incorrect.
Large scale vaccination begins April 12, 1955. The target age group is 6-9 years (Scheele, A.S., Shannon, J.A., "Health Implications In A Program Of Vaccination Against Poliomyelitis", JAMA, August 6, 1955).
The Cutter Laboratory disaster is discovered 13 days later, April 25, 1955. Documented cases caused by the Cutter vaccine were 79. The EIS went on to find 204 polio cases with 11 deaths out of the approximately 423,000 persons inoculated with Cutter's Salk vaccine (Jane Smith, Patenting The Sun, 1990). Contagion patterns are very difficult to discover with polio, yet the EIS expanded the original 79 cases to 204 by assuming contagion patterns. Tremendous publicity was given to these cases.
April 27, 1955, Surgeon General calls Cutter for a recall of its vaccines (Jane Smith, Op. Cit.).
May 8, 1955, the entire U.S. vaccination program was cancelled by the Surgeon General (Christopher J. Rutty, Dept. History, U. of Toronto, URL:http://www.eskimo.com/~dempt/salk.htm). The program was soon resumed and 5,394,000 persons were vaccinated during 1955.
During 1956, approximately 25,000,000 persons were vaccinated. The 1959 CDC Polio Packet indicates only the cc's of vaccine shipped per month, not persons vaccinated. However, it gives enough information so that the persons vaccinated can be interpolated from these shipment figures.
1956, the federal government rigorously tested the vaccine, and began to take over NFIP's role.
1957, the vaccination program resumed under CDC/EIS control and was highly promoted (Jane Smith, Op. Cit.). Approximately 31,300,000 persons were vaccinated in U.S. (CDC, Polio Packet, 1959)
1958, approximately 15,700,000 persons were vaccinated.
As of 1959, less than half of the usual primary susceptible group (infants below age 5) were vaccinated. Only 55% of those below age 40 were vaccinated, according to the CDC's Polio Packet. 28% of the vaccinations had been given to non-susceptibles, the group of 40 and above.
Polio incidence began its sharp plummet in 1952. This is 3 years before the vaccine was licensed by HEW in 1955. Thus, the Salk polio vaccination did not significantly correlate with declining polio incidence. However, a significant correlation with declining polio incidence is found with reports in 1952 that nursing cow calves were dying with of symptoms and physiology when their mother's were fed fodder that had been treated with DDT.
The plummet also correlates with the 1951 government/industry debate over pesticide safety.
The plummet also correlates with the phase-out of persistent pesticides production in the early 1950s. ("Persistent" pesticides are those which do not easily biodegrade, such as DDT, BHC, arsenic compounds, and lead compounds.)
Dr. Thomas Francis did not mention in his key evaluation of the 1954 Salk field trials that those who contracted polio after their first inoculation and before their second inoculation were placed in the "not-inoculated" list.' (Maurice B. Bayly, The Story Of The Salk Anti-poliomyelitis Vaccine, 1956). During the 1954 field trials second graders only were inoculated, and 1st and 3rd graders used as controls, yet susceptibility to polio (or toxicity) can be highly variable between the ages of 6 to 7 to 8, and as such, this made proof of success difficult.
During the 1954 field trials only volunteers were inoculated, yet the control groups included non-volunteers. This enters even more complex variables into the trial. (Beddow, p14)
Jonas Salk worked for Francis in his laboratory. Francis was a former Army epidemiologist who was involved in U.S. studies of Nagasaki and Hiroshima after the nuclear bombardment. Those studies have been characterized as inaccurate:
...the National Academy of Science... released a new report... the 'BEIR V' report, concludes that cancer and leukemia risks for the survivors... has been underestimated by a factor of three to four, due to faulty dose estimates and insufficient follow-up study of the survivors."
...the BEIR report suggests... legitimate questions about the validity of the currently accepted estimates. (Jay Gould et al, Deadly Deceit: Low-Level Radiation, High-Level Cover-up (1991), p179)
Though vaccination safety was said to be a matter of record, the weekly polio case rates during 1955 show a definite rise in polio case rates during the period of vaccination (April and May), unlike previous or subsequent years. This is not discussed, however, downward movements in the age 7 group (in the age distribution graphs) were used by the CDC to show evidence of vaccination efficacy (CDC, Polio Packet, 1959).
The Detroit Epidemic, 1958
In 1958, laboratory analyses of the epidemics in New Jersey and Detroit associated poliovirus with only 56% of diagnosed cases. The Detroit analysis associated only 51% of diagnosed polio with poliovirus.
Regardless of these associations, a positive finding for the poliovirus would not by itself prove poliovirus causation because this virus is often found during epidemics in those who have no disease symptoms or in those who have disease symptoms that can be attributed to other microbes (Scobey, "Is Human Poliomyelitis Caused By An Endogenous Virus?", Science, v71, 1954).
Detroit Epidemic, Microbe Analysis
47% of the diagnosed polio cases in the Detroit epidemic were found to have been inoculated at least once, 34% at least twice, 22% at least thrice. Non-white cases had been found vaccinated 54% as much as white cases, however, according to the CDC's Polio Packet, non-white to white paralytic case incidence was 18 to 1, or 1800%:
The epidemic was the second worst in Detroit history. Paralytic cases were 18 times more frequent among non-whites... (Sect. VII, p17, 1959)
A check on these calculations shows the incidence ratio of non-whites to whites actually to be just over 13 to 1, which is intriguing enough. The base numbers are as follows. For those who would like to check for themselves, the non-white to white paralytic cases were 246 to 66. Non-white to white population was 420,000 to 1,480,000). The result, an incidence ratio of 13 to 1, has been applied to the considerations below, which gives a break to orthodoxy. At the time the Polio Packet was published, during the epidemic, the "18 times more frequent" phrase enhanced the imperative for vaccination, since these non-whites were lagging in their vaccination status.
The poliovirus now appears to be unreasonably selective for non-whites. There are many mitigating factors that could be brought to argue against these general impressions. Thus it is necessary to proceed into detailed comparisons.
Age Group 5-9: White vs Non-White
Consider a comparison of the most similar age group, e.g., school children in the age group 5-9. These children were similar in education level, age, and vaccination status. Only the paralytic cases are utilized in this comparison because they were much more frequently associated with poliovirus: 77% of the paralytic cases were associated with poliovirus, yet only 24% of the non-paralytic cases were associated with the poliovirus.
In the 1950s, clinical doctors diagnosed polio according to symptoms and physiological evidence. Only a small percent of total cases in the U.S. were analysed in the laboratory for presence of the poliovirus. If the poliovirus could not be associated with a case then it was set aside as non-polio. Suddenly, much of the disease called polio was technically not polio. How is that so much non-poliovirus polio rose and declined concurrently with poliovirus polio during the Great Epidemic? No vaccine existed for non-poliovirus polio.
Without pursuing that quackmire, we continue here within the slippery orthodox definitions of polio and limit our focus to paralytic polio in order to deal within a set of cases which can at least be assumed to be mostly poliovirus caused -- just in order to be able to argue the shifting orthodox assumptions.
Regarding the comparison of non-white vs white age group 5-9, we first find that the non-white to white paralytic case ratio is 3.2 to 1. Converted to incidence, which accounts for population differences, we have an incidence ratio of 11.3 to 1.
This vast disparity cannot be explained by vaccination status because these were quite similar. Non-whites were found to be vaccinated 88% as much as whites. Based on this, if polio vaccination was valid, we would expect an incidence ratio between the two groups to be closer to 1.1 to 1, than 11.3 to 1.
The vaccination profile of these cases is provided in the following table:
Age Group 0-4: White vs Non-White
The second comparison group is pre-school children in the age group 0-4. These polio cases are, at the least, similar in age, and not very dissimilar in vaccination status. Another similarity is that they both represent the traditionally highest susceptible age group, from whence comes the name "Infantile Paralysis".
The non-white to white case ratio is very different, 6.3 to 1. Converted to incidence, using demographics for this era, an even more stunning incidence ratio is found, 22.4 to 1. This is close to the CDC statement for Detroit, "Paralytic cases were 18 times more frequent among non-whites...". (Polio Packet 1959, p VII, 1)
Yet, this study finds non-whites vaccinated 0.58 as much as whites.
If vaccination was a valid concept then the expected incidence ratio should be closer to 1.7 to 1 than 22.4 to 1. A coefficient of logical disparity would then be 22.4x0.48, that is, 12.99. CDC should have explained this disparity, or refocused their study towards Detroit's environmental hazards and non-white neighborhoods.
The vaccination profile of the 0-4 cases is provided in the following table. Note that the Vaccination Ratio is found by taking the cumulative vaccination count for non-whites (see chart) and dividing that by the cumulative vaccination count for whites, that is, 34.6%.
Poliovirus theory creates massive contradictions between public images, epidemiological data, and laboratory data.
The toxic theory can easily resolve these contradictions.
For instance, with regards to the Detroit epidemic a study might begin with a focus upon the industrial pollution of drinking water, extraction solvents in cooking oils, and pesticides in cooking oils (particularly those, which in fine print show their ingredients to include cottonseed oil). Pesticides and herbicides in fatty meat and dairy products should also be analyzed for toxic chemicals. The polio victims should be studied for levels of industrial toxins in their urine, tissue, and in nursing mothers, breast milk. The Polio Packet shows the epidemic peaks in Detroit occurring somewhat later for non-whites, which is consistent with the later harvest time of the cotton crop vs other crops. A similar epidemic shift occurred in a white community in Massachusetts in 1908, where an epidemic centered around three cotton mills.
It is unlikely, in my opinion, but if dietary and toxicology studies were found negative, then a bacterial hunt could begin. If that proved negative, then viropathologists could possibly find rogue, nucleic acid as the culprit. And lastly, if all else fails, it could be asserted that the polio epidemic was caused by genetic defects in the population, with packaged salvation available from biotech industry's nearest representative.
Pesticides vs Polio vs Salk
In essence, the Salk Vaccination program appears irrelevant to the Great Polio Epidemic, as shown in the following graph which represents vaccination data from the above timeline.
Only the older generation of pesticides, the persistent (low biodegradable) pesticides are shown. DDT production is not included past1954 because it was being re-directed heavily into underdeveloped countries. Vaccinated population numbers are derived from the timeline. The Salk Effective Index is a HARpub concept, determined as follows:
Salk protection probability
Percent of poliovirus caused polio
Accumulated percent of inoculated population.
Stated otherwise: 70% x 56% x accumulated percent of inoculated population per year. The height of the Salk Efficacy Index is adjusted to be equal to a percent of the highest value represented in the graph, which is the apex of the pesticide or polio lines. The pesticide and polio lines have been proportioned so that their high points are equal.
Can we now presume that if Salk vaccinations correlated with polio incidence, as do pesticides in the above graph, then such a graph would be impressed upon everyone's minds from birth, by every available media source? (As is done by pro-vaccinationists now.)
With regard to polio incidence, the Salk vaccine shows less impact (if any) than we have been lead to believe, especially when compared to the nearly perfect correlation of the persistent pesticides, which spans a much longer period, and maintains a direct correlation throughout a complex series of oscillations, and not only in terms of this composite graph, but in terms of each pesticide.
Internationally, the pesticides, polio, and vaccination programs co-exist under an organized central leadership, such as in Mexico, which is decades behind the U.S. in terms of pesticide regulations.
In 1994, W.H.O. gave Mexico a low rating for polio, characterizing it as a "Stage C" country. That is, it has ongoing polio cases and ongoing vaccination programs. (Van Nostrand's Encyclopedia of Science and Engineering, Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1995, p2492)
Coincidentally, the North American Working Group on Sound Management of Chemicals, a NAFTA group,
...will finalize action plans aimed at reducing mercury, PCBs, DDT and chlordane in the North American environment. The action plan requires Mexico to reduce and eliminate, within a specific timeframe, the use of DDT in malaria control. Chlordane will also be phased out in Mexico. (Kevin G. Hall, Journal of Commerce and Commercial, Nov 4, 1996 v410)
The phrase "DDT in malaria control" indicates the presence of W.H.O.
Worldwide polio vaccination programs and industrial pollution continue concurrently.
If polio vaccination theory were valid, then in terms of orthodoxy, former victims of polio would not be able be infected with poliovirus, except when infected with a poliovirus type to which they have not been previously exposed. However, several studies have found evidence of poliovirus (including the common Type I) in post-polio victims (see PubMed listings). It is likely that these post-polio victims were previously exposed to the Type I poliovirus because most polio victims suffer from post-polio (approximately two-thirds) and Type I is common.
Generally, virus association with disease can be expected because viruses are more apt to proliferate in poisoned biological systems.
The most consistent correlation which contributes understanding to post-polio is pesticides -- just previous to the first reports of post-polio (March, 1984), U.S. legislation allowed for the re-entry of DDT in pesticide blends (June, 1983).
Pesticide symptoms and physiology are identical to poliomyelitis.
and pesticide dosage arguments alone suffice,
and epidemiological proofs for pesticide causation correlate perfectly.
Poliovirus proofs, based on animal brain injection experiments, are artifacts of the laboratory and cannot transcend this limitation,
and polio contagion among animals in the laboratory is unknown,
and poliovirus can easily infect benignly, yet the paralytic disease shows no pattern of contagion,
and vaccination proofs are based on harsh laboratory experiments that do not reflect the human experience,
and vaccination epidemiological evidence is relatively irrelevant,
and poliovirus presence in post-polio invalidates vaccination theory,
and poliovirus presence is not required for the polio disease,
and in spite of an extremely biased scientific environment ranging from textbook warning statements regarding the mere consideration of pesticide causation, exclusively biased public health laws, exclusively biased funding, and dramatically charged global propaganda for the public and medical professional,
We are able to conclude with the most direct explanation: Pesticide causation.
Addenda: Testing The Pesticide Theory
A theory is only as good as its ability to predict events.
Accordingly, the poliovirus theory is a non-theory, because the poliovirus has always been associated with humans and thus its presence predicts nothing.
The pesticide theory, however, correlates perfectly in all data areas. It correlates a historically new event (pesticide poisoning), with another new event (poliomyelitis). It simply correlates dosage with physiology and symptoms.
Billions of dollars have funded the development of the poliovirus theory since Landsteiner and Popper in 1908. Zero dollars have funded the pesticide theory. Yet, after the smoke has settled, the simple pesticide argument remains strong.
The pesticide theory can be used by historians as a tool for the discovery of evidence of mass poisoning. In the table below are examples of such use:
Polio Epidemic Pesticide Event 1887: The first polio epidemic (Sweden) 1873: Patent of first pesticide sprayer
1874: invention of DDT
1874-1887: first relatively large group of pesticide developments.
1908: A polio epidemic within northwestern, Massachusetts that occurred in three manufacturing towns, all within 20 miles of each other. A thorough study in 1909 concluded that polio is non-contagious, and that the port of entry for the virus is probably food, milk, and water. No exclusively breastfed infant acquired polio. By far the highest polio incidence was in an upstream town with 3 cotton mills. No toxicological investigation was made. As usual, the gathering of data was based upon the infectious disease model. 1907: The first high-volume production of carbon tetrachloride begins in the U.S. Carbon tet was used as a fumigant, insecticide, herbicide, and cleaning solvent. Used in cottonseed oil extraction. Cottonseed byproducts can be used in dairy fodder. 1916: The polio epidemic in NYC region 1915, Hooker Chemical and DOW begin first high-volume production of chloral benzene, at Niagara Falls. 8,500 metric tons per year. 1921: FDR acquired polio in the Bay of Fundy, off the remote island of Campobello, Canada. Campobello is directly downstream from several major industries that dumped organochlorines, lead, arsenic, and mercury. 1972, the Bay of Fundy was the chosen as the site for an study of high DDT levels in porpoises. 1942-1962: The Great U.S. Polio Epidemic 1942-1962: Referred to as the era of "Pesticides As Panacea". 1945: U.S. troops in the Philippines: Polio epidemics took casualties second only to battle casualties. Troops in Philippines were doused with DDT. Surrounding population was unaffected by polio. 1958: Polio epidemic (136 victims) in New Jersey (Essex, Hudson, Bergen Counties) The CDC PolioPacket (1959) omitted describing the environment, which included the area of the Bayonne and Linden petroleum refineries. Nevertheless, the prime focus (lab work) revealed that the poliovirus could only be found in 65% of the victims. Their "polio" had to be recategorized, thus driving the polio incidence down immediately. 1952: Philippines, polio epidemics.
1964: Philippines, 383 humans and 25,000 dogs per year died of rabies. Rabies is a paralytic CNS disease, physiologically and symptomatically similar to polio, with a different virus assigned to it. Landsteiner was originally quoted as observing the similarities and has been criticized for that opinion.
Philippines, under W.H.O. policy, continues with DDT/BHC for agriculture and DDT for malaria anti-mosquito campaigns. India: Continues with high polio incidence. Human rabies deaths are estimated to be 10,000 per year (circa 1980). India as of 1980 used persistent pesticides and has lagged far behind developing countries in banning these. Underdeveloped and developing countries continue with polio epidemics. Underdeveloped and developing countries continue with persistent pesticides. Sri Lanka has high polio rates and the highest rabies rate in the world, 140 human deaths out of 11.5 million population per year (circa 1980). In 1980, the U.S. had a population of approximately 360 million with a rabies incidence per year of from 0 to 2. Sri Lanka ranks among countries with highest rates of acute pesticide poisoning, and in 1980 allowed DDT imports. As of 1995, DDT is listed as banned in Sri Lanka, according to PANNA. June, 1983: U.S. legislation allows re-entry of DDT for use in insecticide blends. March, 1984: Post-polio is recognized as an emerging epidemic in former polio victims. Post-polio cases today are estimated to be 600,000. Nigeria (Africa): 2003-2004, highest polio case count worldwide. WHO designates Nigeria its #1 target (worldwide) for DDT malaria campaigns. These campaigns were not in effect for many years prior.
PANUPS (5/19/95) reports:
In Paraguay, an extensive 1990/91 study of paralysis of the limbs in children, originally thought to have been brought on by polio, suggested that monocrotophos [OP pesticide] drift from nearby cotton fields was the most likely culprit.
The irrationality of vaccination programs extends far beyond polio. Smallpox, claimed to be virus caused and the first disease conquered by vaccination, provides us with data for a strong anti-vaccination stance. The following graph is generated from two tables found in the bibliography of John Pitcairn's, The Fallacy Of Vaccination (1911):
If one is searching for evidence of causation then vaccination obviously causes disease. Similarly, this is found to be so in the next example.
Before discovering the following smallpox data from Emerson's epidemiological compilations of New York City, I was under the impression that Western pesticide usage had begun approximately 1873. The following epidemiological chart convinced me that the date must have been closer to 1868. Later, I found in Zimmerman et al, DDT, Killer of Killers that 1869 is the date for first pesticide implementation in the West (though there are earlier instances, see Pesticide Introductions), thus demonstrating again how epidemiology can be used to discover data regarding pesticide production and population exposure. To this day, pesticide production data is repressed by government and industry.
Vaccinations, and proofs of virus causation, are similar phenomena. They both use injections of virus material to provide images of a context of impending toxic doom to the body. Before the wholly artificial event of injection existed, impending toxic doom was the only interpretation available to the body for the presence of large amounts of virus -- in view of the cellular S.O.S. response to toxicity, described in the Overview. Thus, the presence of exceedingly large amounts of injected virus material should be expected to generate a radical response: inflammation, proliferation of viruses, genetic recombination, and the self destruction of tissue, tissue which would be regarded as portals of entry -- for poisons. It should not be expected to generate such a radical response repeatedly, because the body learns not to be tricked. Thus we have "immunization" and artificial proofs of its efficacy.
Modern Medicine is hereby challenged to find a polio epidemic that was not preceded by mass poisoning. It is further challenged to include toxicological data in its reporting of disease. The chemical industry is challenged to allow tracking of its production and distribution. The laws forbidding dissemination of pesticide production data should be repealed. All pesticide use (place, date, type, quantity, purpose) must be registered and toxic chemical content in food should be labeled. The same goes for genetically engineered crops. Pesticide registration would facilitate epidemiology, making it truly meaningful and useful.
Since the 18th century, vaccinations have caused extensive death and disablement, and their promoted value is arguable. For more information refer to the following list of sites which represent concerned citizens, medical people, and parents. Some sites are touching cyber-memorials for deceased children, placed lovingly by their parents:
A Shot In The Dark
Allergy induced Autism
AltVetMed Vaccination Decisions
Arizona Vaccine Information Network
Association of American Physicians and Surgeons
Australian Vaccination Network
Autism and Mercury
Autism and Vaccination
BAFFLING VACCINATION FACTS
Be Informed About Vaccinations
Biological Manipulation of Human Populations
British Anti-Vivisection Association
Catherine O'Driscoll - re Steve Dean in Dog World
Concerned Parents for Vaccine Safety
Current Childhood Vaccination Programs: Do They Cause More Disease Than They Prevent?
Dispelling Vaccination Myths (1)
Dispelling Vaccination Myths (2)
Do Vaccines Cause Cot Deaths? - Harris Coulter
DoctorYourself.com - Vaccinations
Dr. Archie Kalokerinos
Dutch Pro-Choice Vaccination League
Explore and Discover the Research Of Tetrahedron
Freedom of Choice in Healthcare Canada
French National League for Freedom in Vaccination
Hallelujah Health Tip #96
Hallelujah Health Tip #97
Health Hazards of Vaccines
Health World On Line
Healthier Children Page- Himley Chiropractic
Hep B Vaccine Damage List
His name is "Hank"
Homeopathy and Vaccination site by Dr. Tinus Smits
How Vaccinations Work (Gary Null)
Immunisation Awareness Society
Immunisation Awareness Society (IAS)
Immunizations: Make an Informed Choice!
Infant Vaccination: A Biological Assault?
Informed Parents Vaccination Home Page
International Advocates for Health Freedom (IAHF)
Justice, Awareness and Basic Support
Leading Edge Vaccine Paradigm
Lethal Dangers of the Billion Dollar Vaccine Business
Lois Hoffer's Vaccination Links
Missouri Citizens Coalition for Freedom in Health Care
Myths of vaccination, vaccines and immunization
National Vaccine Information Center
Natural Immunity Information Network
NEW ATLANTEAN IMMUNIZATION & VACCINE BOOKS
New Hampshire Libertarians Against Compulsory Vaccinations
Parents Requesting Open Vaccine Education (PROVE)
Pennsylvania Parents for Vaccine Awareness
People Advocating Vaccine Education (PAVE)
Pesticides and Polio: Graphic documentation regarding epidemiology and physiology of polio.
Production of Mass Behavioral and Neurological Problems Using Vaccination to Increase Social Control
Well Within's Earth Mysteries & Sacred Site Tour (Sheri Nakken)
Shaken Babies or Vaccine Damage?
Shoemaker & Horn
SIDS and Childhood Vaccines-Is There A Connection?
Testimony of Bernard Rimland, Ph.D.
The Eagle Foundation
The IVY League Foundation
The Law of Vaccination - Toward Radical Reform
The Law of Vaccination-Toward Radical Reform
THINKTWICE Global Vaccine Institute
Vaccinating Children: Where Do We Draw the Line?
Vaccination Action File
vaccination and its victims
Vaccination Awareness Network UK
Vaccination in Animals
Vaccination information links
Vaccination Information Service
Vaccination Information South Australia (VISA)
Vaccination: A Sacrament of Modern Medicine
Vaccinations : The Facts!
Vaccinations and Their Side Effects
Vaccinations and Vaccinosis
Vaccinations: What You Don't Know Could Hurt Your Children
Vaccine Information and Awareness
VACCINE INFORMATION ARCHIVE
Vaccine Manufacturers and Breast Implant Manufacturers: Same Game, Same Strategies. A Mere Coincidence?
Vaccine, Vaccinations, Immunization, Polio, DPT, MMR,
Vaccines: Offering Individuals Choice & Education
VacciNetwork (Italian and English)
What Doctors Don't Tell You
What you don't know can hurt your children
Woodlands Healing Research Center
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